Handbook of cross cultural psychology pdf

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Advanced embedding details, examples, and help! Triandis, H. Basic processes. Developmental psychology. Social psychology.

Duijker the book National Character and National Stereotypes; in a publication appeared co-authored with G. Frijda is well-known for his outstanding and encompassing work on emotions, culminating in the book The Emotions Cambridge University Press, Since he has occupied a special chair in the psychology of emotions. She received a B.

She has carried out research on culture, health, and human development in Guatemala, Kenya, the Netherlands, and the United States. She is co-editor with Charles M. He has been interested in both cognitive and sociocultural aspects of conceptual development, expertise, and literacy acquisition. He was elected as a foreign associate of National Academy of Education U. Kinnear Paul Kinnear graduated from the University of Edinburgh and has worked at the University of Aberdeen for many years.

His original research was concerned with the color vision losses of diabetics, but he has also done research into genetic color vision losses. More recently he has been interested in spatial ability, especially people's capacities to visualize topographical maps and drawings, whether they be students of architecture, engineering, or taking part in the outside recreation of orienteering.

He has also monitored the performance of telephone operators working from home in a year's project on teleworking sponsored by British Telecommunications.

Her research interests include the study of development within culture, especially adult and adolescent development, and applications of social cognitive models to personal and social issues. She has been prominent in developing models of how people make decisions and solve problems in settings other than the traditional laboratory, especially judicial sentencers' reasoning processes, adolescents' and professionals' reasoning about shoplifting events. Her pursuit of interactions between cognition and the social environment have involved the use of microgenetic methods of investigation.

She received her Ph. She taught at the Universities of Warsaw and Lodz, presented her habilitation thesis docent in social psychology and became director of the Laboratory of Social Psychology in Warsaw. She has been Visiting Professor at the University of Montreal.

She specializes in cross-cultural social psychology. She studied psychology and philosophy at the University of Amsterdam from to , and graduated from there in with a focus on cultural variations in Digitized by Coogle xxii About the Contributors emotions. Batja Mesquita is a fellow of the Royal Dutch Academy of Science and as such is currently working as a researcher at the division of Social Psychology.

Mishra R. He obtained a D. He has been post-doctoral research fellow and Shastri research fellow at Queen's University in Canada. Cultural influence on human development represents his main research interest. He has contributed numerous articles to professional journals and books both in India and abroad in the fields of cognition, acculturation, schooling, and cross-cultural studies.

He is the co-author of Ecology, Acculturation, and Psychological Adaptation. Ajit K. Mohanty Ajit K. A psycholinguist working on multilingualism and reading and language acquisition, his research publications include a book, Bilingualism in a Multilingual Society.

She was previously a preschool teacher in a multicultural school for ten years. She now does research and teaching on the questions of cultural and linguistic diversity of migrations in European society, the contacts between learners of different cultures and languages in multicultural and multilinguistic contexts. Russell Phil Russell graduated in psychology and received a Ph. He is a lecturer in psychology at the University of Aberdeen. His early research was in the area of curiosity and exploratory behavior in animals.

More recently he has researched mainly in human experimental aesthetics, working particularly on the aesthetics of music and paintings. He has also published in the areas of children's play, social prejudice, animal models of human psychopathology, and evolutionary psychology. He graduated in social psychology at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. He was professor in psychology subsequently at the University of Pennsylvania , at the Institut fur Psychologie of the University of Kiel, Germany , at the University of Giessen, Germany, and has been professor in psychology at the University of Geneva, Switzerland from till now.

Some of his major research interests are in the areas of emotion, stress and coping, communication and interaction, and intercultural comparison. He is initiator of one of the first large-scale cross-cultural studies on emotions, resulting in the book Experiencing Emotion: A Cross cultural Study Analucia D. She obtained her doctoral degree in psychology from University College London, University of London, England, for a thesis inspired by Pia get's theory and methods.

Since then, while at the Federal University of Pernambuco, she developed and published many studies on the use and understanding of mathematical concepts among children and adults at work and in schools.

Since Analucia moved to the United States where she works at Tufts University teaching and conducting research on cognitive development and learning. Robert Serpell Robert Serpell has conducted research on children's cognitive development, intelligence, socialization, education, and literacy in rural and urban communities in Zambia and in Baltimore, Maryland, U. He received his basic education at the Lycee Francais in London, followed by studies at Westminster an English "public school" , at the University of Singapore, and at Oxford University, England.

He received his Ph. He is currently preparing his doctoral dissertation on street children in China. His publications include parts of this dissertation, mainly on aspects such as socialization of Chinese children, and children born outside China's restriction policy on births. Charles M. Super Charles M. He earned a B. Since he has been on the faculty at the department of psychology of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, U.

His interests are in cultural developmental psychology, historical development of ideas in psychology, and theory and methodology of psychology. He is a winner of the Alexander-von-Humboldt Research Prize. One of his primary areas of research is moral development as expressed by non-Western populations of the world. He also has conducted considerable research in the area of child care and development in African settings. In addition to being a deputy dean of the Faculty of Education at the University of Namibia and teaching postgraduate students, he is currently exploring the moral dimensions of discipline problems in secondary schools.

We could have stayed closer to the previous structure in subdividing the book correspondingly into two sections. We purposefully avoided doing this, if only because we believe that this is an artificial distinction. All of psychology deals, in some sense, with basic processes; and all psychology should be, or should become, developmental. Despite the different structure, most of the topics covered in the first edition are also found, in one form or another, in this second edition.

Basic processes that were covered then included perception and aesthetics, now treated in a single chapter; cognition is featured again, although it was not deemed necessary to distinguish explicitly between psychological and anthropological approaches. Volume 4 in the previous edition, on developmental psychology, included two chapters on language development language acquisition and bilingualism, now treated in a single chapter, and chapters on memory and Piaget's theory, now covered under cognition.

The specific, detailed treatment of infancy and the socialization through play, toys, and games, have not been carried over, but the topics are covered, albeit with a more theoretical stance, in the first chapter on the cultural structuring of child development. The previous edition included a chapter on schooling and the development of cognitive skills, while this volume treats school- xxv Digitized by Coogle xxvi Introduction to Volume 2 ing as one aspect of education, and takes a more macro-social and sociohistorical approach.

The first edition included a chapter on personality development, which is not featured again, but was related to topics such as moral development and identity, two topics that are now given chapter-length treatment. Among interesting innovations is the coverage of the life-span perspective, and an inroad into more applied issues, in the form of a chapter on children "growing up in particularly difficult circumstances.

The two corresponding volumes in the first edition reflected a 2 to 1 ratio of North Americans to Europeans; we now have more Europeans, half of whom use French as their first language possibly a reflection of the ethnocentrism of one of the co-editorsl , only approximately a quarter from North America, and, most importantly, another quarter from Asia, LatinAmerica, and Africa combined.

Even though there is still an overwhelming Western bias, we take this to be a welcome step in the right direction. The first three chapters are broad overviews of theoretical frameworks in cross- cultural developmental psychology. Super and Harkness set the stage, in their introductory chapter to the volume, for viewing the cultural structuring of human development.

The interface wherein culture and the individual meet and evolve is deduced from a broad sweep across historical and disciplinary traditions. Their concept of "developmental niche" is a significant contribution that not only theoretically integrates the two open systems, namely, the culture and the individual, but also attempts to account for developmental changes that are mutually adaptive.

It is, in our view, the natural complement of the ecocultural framework used in the textbooks by Segall, Dasen, Berry, and Poortinga, and Berry, Poortinga, Segall, and Dasen It deals more specifically with one of the processes that links ecology and culture to individual behavior: cultural transmission. At the same time, this chapter also covers issues of interactions co-evolution, co-construction between biology and culture see also chapter by Keller, Volume I, this Handbook.

The chapter documents the current historical period of paradigm dialogue. In the search for the interface of culture and mind, the meeting of theoretical and methodological ideas from allied disciplines perhaps heralds what Super and Harkness describe as synonymous to the differentiation-integration paradigm for organismic development put forward by Heinz Werner.

Camilleri and Malewska-Peyre further put the concepts of socialization and enculturation into a sociohistorical perspective. In complex industrial societies, marked by the co-existence of several social subgroups stemming from migration, these concepts become linked to processes of acculturation d. In Camilleri and Malewska-Peyre's views, socialization is not the passive soaking up of social influences, but the active coconstruction of identity by developing individuals and other members of their culture.

Valsiner and Lawrence extend the idea of the continuity of culture-individual co-construction across adulthood and the life span by providing an integration of what Bronfenbrenner terms the person-context-process-time model. The chapter is highly theoretical and makes frequent reference to anecdotal "evidence" to illustrate its many interesting arguments. The chapter thus shows a paradigm shift in what is considered to be appropriate "data," and a shift from the positivist's conception of culture as an independent variable, to that of interdependency of culture and person in explaining behavior and development d.

While there seems to have been, in the authors' own assessment, only modest progress in research on perception, Mishra concludes that "with the availability of new data, the relationship between culture and cognition has appeared to be more complex than was generally thought in previous years.

Hence, all theoretical positions have shown signs of revision in order to accommodate the newer data in their framework. Language acquisition and bilingualism constitute a very active area of current research, covered here by Mohanty and Perregaux. In addition to presenting new theoretical developments, their chapter has also useful educational implications. As regards emotions, the universality of facial expression used to be the single cross-cultural "fact" most often quoted in mainstream psychology textbooks Lonner, This over-simplification is questioned in the chapter on emotions by Mesquita, Frijda, and Scherer, who present a much more balanced view of universal and culturally relative aspects of emotions.

The chapter also contains a new componential theory, viewing emotion as process, that is, a transaction with the environment. The topic of morality and moral development, that had not been covered in the first edition of the Handbook, is here fully reviewed by Eckensberger and Zimba. These authors also present their own theoretical paradigm, and conclude that cross-cultural research should begin with the study of "a culture's metaethical assumptions," rather than starting at the empirical level.

In each of these chapters, developmental aspects are covered as far as the available literature permits. Thus, while the themes follow the classical division of labor within mainstream psychology, the coherence with a more global approach is Digitized by Coogle xxviii Introduction to Volume 2 maintained both through the developmental outlook and the inherently interdisciplinary cross-cultural perspectives. This third part could, of course, have given rise to a full volume in itself.

In this introduction, we will not comment further on each of these chapters individually, but raise some issues relevant to all or most of them. Basic Processes What do we mean when we speak of "basic processes," and how do we distinguish these from the apparently less basic ones that are covered in Volume 3, namely social behavior, personality and psychopathology?

One way to attempt a distinction is to see basic processes as more linked to biology and less to cultural transmission; basic processes are hence expected to be more universal than less basic ones.

Poortinga, Kop, and van de Vijver propose such a dimension of increasing cultural influence, starting with the psychophysical and psychophysiological domain, through perception and cognition, to personality and social behavior. The former are subject to organismic structural constraints and learning processes such as habituation and conditioning, while the latter occur through rule and norm-governed learning under external, cultural constraints.

For these authors and also for Berry et al. Another way to consider basic processes employs the distinction between deep and surface phenomena. Psychologists search beyond manifest behavior for the underlying, inferred, psychological structures, mechanisms, processes, processors, or whatever these may be called in different theoretical schools.

Of relevance to the cross-cultural approach is the general conclusion that these underlying basic processes are generally found to be strongly universal, while their manifestation in surface phenomena is only weakly universal or culturally relative Dasen, ; Dasen, Both of these views about basic processes contain some truth, and are illustrated in numerous ways in the chapters of this volume. Yet the world is not that simple. Even the most basic processes occur in a web of social interactions, are socially and culturally situated, or even culturally co-constructed.

The embedded ness of each of the basic processes in the cultural context is best illustrated by the following quote from the chapter by Schliemann et al. They must be understood in terms of the symbolic systems Be it socialization processes, emotion expression, bilingualism, or any other "basic process" covered in this book, it has become obvious that none of them is really basic, if that is taken to mean simple, less complex.

Furthermore, some of the chapters explicitly deal with research in social psychology e. Developmental Psychology A standard way to structure contributions to developmental psychology would have been to distinguish age periods, such as infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age.

However, the developmental contributions in this volume are not so much geared to a description of behavior at various ages or stages, but are more process-oriented. While they provide a wealth of information, they cannot possibly cover all of the recent research, and the reader may want to tum to other sources in the field.

After all this effort, has mainstream developmental psychology started to take culture seriously? Not really, we fear. There is little evidence that new developmental theories are systematically put to a cross-cultural test, and this applies even to theoretical strands such as life-span development, neo-Piagetian theories, or co-constructivism, that include sociocultural dimensions from the start.

Just as was the case with more traditional theories, there is an enormous time lag between the development of a theory, usually in a monocultural setting, and its crosscultural expansion.

If an explicit claim to universality without empirical test has Digitized by Coogle xxx Introduction to Volume 2 become rare, it remains implicit in most cases. Thus, it is not useless, we feel, to provide once more, in this volume, a compendium of what a cross-cultural approach to human development has to offer.

Neither is the so-called "indigenization" of developmental psychology very far advanced; some of the references listed previously reflect this trend see also chapter by Sinha, Volume 1, this Handbook and we think that the most interesting future development will no doubt occur mainly in this area. If cross-cultural research is no longer the preserve of expatriates, it has taken a strong foothold within multicultural societies.

There are numerous examples of research with ethnic groups, migrants, and refugees at various age levels from infancy to adolescence. A particularly interesting special issue of the International Journal of Behavioral Development, and a book, both edited by Greenfield and Cocking ; link research on minority groups in the United States to research in the contexts where they or their parents originated.

It is illustrative of the multidisciplinary nature of a cross-cultural approach, particularly in linking anthropology and psychology.

If these new developments are particularly interesting for theory development, they also carry with them a promising potential for applications.

The significance of cross-cultural issues in applied developmental psychology is increasingly evident in a "shrinking globe" with the need to deal with multicultural groups in trade and commerce, educational and work settings. The impact of expanding the horizons of developmental psychology to encompass cross-cultural variations cannot be overemphasized.

As different groups come together setting the stage for conflict situations in educational, residential, or community settings, then undoubtedly, the knowledge, sensitivity, and appreciation of the different world views that people bring into the situation will be useful in conflict resolution.

We will come back to the issues of applied research in the last part of this introduction. Conflict or Convergence? The Paradigm Dialogue Volume 1 of this Handbook has focused on epistemological considerations of the paradigms that guide research and theory development, in particular on the contrast between the so-called cross-cultural and cultural approaches, akin to the distinction between "Naturwissenschaften" and "Geisteswissenschaften" Krewer, , absolutism and relativism Berry, et aI.

For the positivist outlook, reality exists "out there" and is driven by immutable natural laws that can be subjected to empirical tests under carefully controlled conditions.

Compared to Digitized by Coogle Introduction to Volume 2 xxxi this extreme position, post-positivism is more moderate in its claim to be able to fully and objectively apprehend reality, and methodologically, it leads to research in more natural settings, using more qualitative methods. Often linked to this option is critical theory that is ideologically and politically oriented, and rejects the possibility of value free research; instead of seeking to predict or to control, this research is geared to transform the world.

These approaches taken together can be contrasted with the constructivist paradigm that seeks multiple realities, existing in the form of local and specific social constructions.

The corresponding methodology is hermeneutic and dialectic, that is, descriptive of the ways the various actors in the scene co-rconstruct their respective perspectives. In the constructivist approach, qualitative rather than quantitative methods are preferred, and relevance rather than rigor is the quality criterion. See chapters by Miller and Greenfield, Volume 1, this Handbook. Among the various chapters in Volume 2, those dealing with perception and cognition come closest to a positivist position, while Valsiner and Lawrence represent the hermeneutics of constructivism most clearly, followed closely by Serpell and Hatano, who take a clear sociohistorical stance; the latter is also reflected in much of the work reviewed by Schliemann, Carraher, and Ceci on everyday cognition.

Most chapters seem to take the mid-line of a post-positivist position, with a slight leaning towards the relativist side of the dimension. The dynamics of a coconstructivist socialization that leads to various identity strategies, presented by Camilleri and Malewska-Peyre, is a case in point that leans toward constructivism but is mainly based on a post-positivist social psychology.

In Mohanty and Perregaux's treatment of bilingualism, critical theory comes through; they show that the study of bilingualism is always related to sociolinguistics, insofar as the social valuation of the languages has to be taken into account. In this paradigm dialogue, between conflict and convergence, we believe that the conflict, if it indeed exists, will be an intermediate stage on the way to convergence; but to shake up the absolutism that still dominates mainstream psychology, an extreme form of relativism may be needed for a while.

Gender Issues The issue of gender differences in human behavior and development has engaged the attention of developmental psychologists, anthropologists, and cross-cultural psychologists for several decades.

Surprisingly, the study of sex or gender differences has not been singled out for special attention in any of the chapters in Volume 2 of the Handbook. However, gender is implicit in theorizing related to developmental niche, life-course development, and the development of social identity, as well as in the applied issues related to education and consequences of political and social turmoil.

Judging by the explosion of feminist literature on gender issues and varied response to the same, a prediction that the issue will remain alive Digitized by Coogle xxxii Introduction to Volume 2 and active for decades to come is likely to be highly valid.

The issue of gender should be singled out for special mention in this Introduction because characterization by gender is perhaps the most powerful variable to impact the developing child. A book length treatment by Best and Williams , and their chapter in Volume 3 of the present Handbook, provide more comprehensive reviews on the topic. According to Beall , two kinds of biases predominate in the study of gender in psychology, namely, the alpha and beta biases.

The former refers to the exaggeration of the observed differences between males and females. The history of psychology is laced with references to intellectual giants of yester years who believed women had smaller brains, were less intelligent, and that higher education would be injurious to their reproductive health!

Subtler versions of this bias are evident even today. The second type of bias refers to the tendency to minimize or understate the differences between the two genders, a tendency generally less prevalent in the field and most evident in some of the early feminist literature.

The glaring patriarchal perspective in contemporary psychology was dramatically highlighted by Gilligan ; ; ; see also the debate in the special issue of Feminism and Psychology, , vol. Two significant points form the central thesis of Gilligan's arguments and merit attention here: 1 The major theories psychoanalysis, cognitive-developmental, ego identity, moral development from which cross-cultural and developmental psychology draw heavily, are based predominantly on the study of males, and 2 a decontextualized analysis of perceived gender differences, when both genders are included in empirical studies, leads to a hierarchical organization of qualitative differences emphasizing the alleged superiority of the male in various aspects of development e.

In this context, Sternberg's analysis of the nature of research questions and their intricate relation with the kind of answers obtained illustrates the social construction of science as applicable not only to the study of gender but to the general field of psychology and that of cross-cultural psychology in particular. The point that needs reiteration relates to the fallacy of viewing biologically determined sex and culturally shaped gender separately. As is evident from the quotations to follow, neither biological nor social scientists view pancultural universalities to imply biological predispositions, or biological determinism of some characteristics to imply fixed gender related characteristics: Whereas the sex-differentiated aspects of human biology are relatively constant, the cultural context varies a great deal, sometimes exaggerating the influence of biology, sometimes counteracting it, and sometimes in a more neutral fashion simply letting the influence of biology shine through without either exaggerating or counteracting it.

Bem, , p. Digitized by Coogle Introduction to Volume 2 xxxiii Advocating an interactional model, Ehrhardt , p. Instead, a biosocial perspective that includes constitutional as well as environmental factors needs to be applied if we want to make progress in our understanding of complex phenomena such as gender identity development and other aspects of gender-related behavior.

There can be little argument that the issue of gender warrants more attention than has been accorded to it at present in cross-cultural developmental psychology.

Knowledge-Driven versus Problem-Oriented Research: The Twain Must Meet Remember Neisser's lamentation of the "thundering silence" of psychology regarding questions of interest and importance to our everyday lives. We believe that the evidence presented in this volume represents a quantum leap in this respect, although a lot still remains to be done see also chapter by Poortinga on convergence, Volume I, this Handbook.

Noteworthy, in particular, is the interest evinced in the study of everyday problems. Also interesting are the applications of the knowledge available regarding each of the basic processes: consequences of stability and change in social identity for multicultural societies and migrant populations; differential competence and transfer evident in everyday cognition as opposed to cognitive skills acquired in schools; the positive or negative outcomes of bi- or multi-lingualism depending upon the larger context from which the language and its people derive meaning and "prestige.

Education more specifically formal school education continues to be and will continue to be a subject of central interest to researchers, and policy and program planners in both developed and developing regions of the world. The great divide in economic prosperity, technological advancement, and the rapid spread of the market economy have generated mind-boggling controversies ranging from the hegemony of Western imposition to the conservatism of religious fundamentalism.

With the shrinking globe and the pressing need for distance communication regarding population, health, human rights, environment and other related issues, education does seem to be the answer to improving people's quality of life. Yet, as is evidenced in the successful and not-so-successful interventions cited in the Serpell and Hatano chapter, the light at the end of the tunnel is not yet visible.

Digitized by Coogle xxxiv Introduction to Volume 2 In their rich review of literature related to children growing up under difficult circumstances, Aptekar and Stocklin have still touched only the tip of the iceberg. In a world filled with never abating violence, the traumatic consequences of war and its aftermath undoubtedly demand priority attention of international organizations, governments, social workers, and researchers.

The latter study of children in Hawaii indicated that even among children who faced serious risk of developmental disturbance due to a host of family and community related factors such as poverty, marital disharmony, low birth weight, and so forth, risk was buffered and resilience increased by factors such as smaller family size, child spacing, availability of alternative caregivers, access to close emotional bonding, and social support.

For a review related to risk factors and resilience, see Bronfenbrenner, A vast array of other groups that could well be included under this blanket include children faced with domestic violence; malnutrition; sexual abuse; gender discrimination and the all encompassing poverty and child labor, to mention only a few. Each of these find a prominent place in the agenda for action of program and policy makers around the world.

Yet, substantive research data of a cross-cultural nature is either unavailable or inaccessible, a lacuna that has far-reaching consequences both in terms of informed program and policy planning and of social accountability of the psychological sciences. What do we know? How confident are we to advise the policymakers on the basis of what we know?

What does cross-cultural psychology have to inform us regarding the contextual meaning of grave social problems related to children and youth? For example, does child labor have the same meaning in different social contexts? What are the glaring gaps in our knowledge concerning children growing up in adverse circumstances?

Does psychology in general and cross-cultural psychology in particular have a social accountability? Answers to these and related questions are imperative if the contributions of cross-cultural psychology are to gain credibility with decisionmakers who plan policies and programs to help children and youth actualize their potentials. Any effort to extend the application of available knowledge in the area of crosscultural psychology draws attention to the fact that a real life problems call for a broader perspective than afforded by sub-specializations in the discipline of psychology, such as social, clinical, and so forth, b multiplicity of causal factors macroto micro-level that interact with each other in producing a positive or buffering a negative effect, c age and gender differentials in consequences, and d the contextualization of the problem.

It also points to the possibility that the challenge of dealing with real-life problems and their solutions in varied cultural contexts may enrich and facilitate theory construction in place of testing theories developed in a different cultural context.

In sum, the incorporation of cultural issues in the field of developmental psychology, be it in theory building or in its application to field situations, can serve Digitized by Google Introduction to Volume 2 xxxv as a mutually enriching experience for expanding the theoretical horizons as well as the extension of knowledge to promote the well-being of children in cultural contexts where the need for intervention is pressing. Furthermore, such a perspective is likely to strengthen the voice of advocacy of the developmental psychologists who are with increasing frequency being called upon by international organizations to assist in formulating policies for promoting the well-being of children and adolescents worldwide.

Saraswath;J P. Dasen Endnotes 1. This means that cognitive anthropology, which had been given a full treatment by D. PriceWilliams, is no longer covered explicitly. The reader interested in the most recent developments in this field can find an overview in Wassmann Gardiner, Mutter, and Kosmitzki provide a textbook of cross-cultural human development across the life span with a focus on Bronfenbrenner's theory. Grateful thanks and appreciation to the Johann Jacobs Foundation, whose funding made my T.

Saraswathi's participation possible; to my colleague Baljit Kaur, who devoted time for careful copy editing amidst several pressures on her time and energy; to my friend Kaushalya Rana, for her meticulous checking of the references; to the UGCDCA staff of the M. University of Baroda, Mahesh, Deepak, Anil, and Mukesh who helped in several ways and kept me going with their friendly cheer; and Mr.

Kumar for his e-mail services despite the inevitable technological problems. References Beall, A. The social constructionist view of gender. Sternberg Eds. New York: Guilford Press. Bern, S.

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A cross-cultural view point. Bornstein, M. Comparative methods in psychology. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum. Bril, B. Le deueloppement psychologique est-il uniuersel? Approches interculturelles. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Bronfenbrenner, U. Ecology of the family as a context for human development : Research perspectives. Developmental Psychology, 22, The ecology of cognitive development: Research models and fugitive findings.

Fischer Eds. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Cole, M. The development of children. New York: W. Gay Eds. Dasen, P. Les sciences cognitives: Do they shake hands in the middle? Dasen Eds. Les sciences cognitives dans Ie dialogue interdisciplinaire pp. Fribourg: Presses de l'Universite de Fribourg. Cross-cultural human development: Special issue.

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Fishbein, H. The psychology of infancy and childhood: Evolutionary and cross-cultural perspectives. Gardiner, H. Lives across cultures: A cross-cultural perspective on human development.

Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Gilligan, C. In a different voice: Psychological theory and women's development. In a different voice: Psychological theory and women's development, 2nd edition. Afterword: The power to name. Greenfield, P. International roots of minority child develop- ment. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 16 3. Cross-cultural roots of minority child development. Cuba, E. The alternative paradigm dialog.

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Vermes Eds. Paris: L'Harmattan. Lamb, M. Child care in context: Cross-cultural perspectives. Lincoln, Y. The making of a constructivist: A remembrance of transformations past. Lonner, W. The introductory psychology text and cross-cultural psychology. Beyond Ekman, Whorf and biased IQ tests. Keats, D. Mann Eds.

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Ohuche, R. The African child and his environment. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Plomin, R. Nature, nurture and psychology. Poortinga, Y. Differences between psychological domains in the range of cross-cultural variation.

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Tizard, B. London: J. Valsiner, J. Culture and the development of children's action: A cultural-historical theory of developmental psychology. Chichester: J. Child development within culturally structured environments.

Culture and developmental psychology. Bern: Hogrefe. Developmental psychology in the Soviet Union. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Child development in cultural context. Toronto: Hogrefe and Huber. Human development and culture.

Toronto: Lexington Books. Culture and human development: A co-constructivist perspective. Baker Eds. New York: Plenum. Wagner, D. Child development and international development: Research-policy interfaces. San Francisco: [ossey-Bass. Wassmann, J. Der kognitive Aufbruch in der Ethnologie. Freiburg, Switzerland: Universitatsverlag Freiburg. Werner, E. Vulnerable but invincible. A longitudinal study of resistant children and youth. New York: McGraw-Hill. In this work he traced the longstanding debate between the positivist determination to treat the human mind as a part of nature and subject to fixed laws that can be discerned through the scientific method, and the more romantic objection that the mind is separate from nature, creating and always being recreated by culture.

The experimental, nomothetic approach to the individual, [ahoda argued, is but one aspect of mankind's larger adventure of understanding. He speculated that its domination in modem academic psychology is probably a "temporary aberration" Jahoda, , p. The literature reviewed in this chapter provides two reasons to hope that scholarship in the late 20th century may progress to a new synthesis rather than merely oscillate between these two philosophical extremes.

First, most of the scholars now working at the interface of culture and mind operate within a framework of systematic science-empirical though not experimental-which can hold both the positivist and the romantic to a common, broader reality check.

The methodology of learning about ourselves has progressed dramatically since the days of Locke and Rousseau, Wundt and Boas, even Skinner and Erikson. Now more sophisticated and rigorous techniques for both qualitative understanding and quantitative knowledge are available, and there is a growing appreciation that both kinds of tools are needed for the endeavor.

Second, our understanding of human development itself has also progressed in recent decades. The notion that individuals are not born full members of any culture but learn to become such is not new. The idea was well developed by the ancient Greeks as it applied to their own children's education see Borstelmann, , although the implications for understanding other adult groups were not widely appreciated see Jahoda, Certainly by the time of the Enlightenment, Locke and others were explicit in emphasizing the malleability of the child's mind as an important element in their philosophies.

Today it is common to see questions of "culture and mind" in a developmental perspective. Framing the issues in terms of human growth, rather than differences among groups of adults, contributes significantly to a scientific resolution of at least some questions that formerly belonged only to philosophy.

Rapid advances in the developmental sciences both biobehavioral and psychological therefore provide us with a substantial opportunity to move forward in the discussion. Digitized by Coogle 4 Chapter One The status of the current research enterprise also provides reasons to be concerned that the potential for progress will not be fully realized.

Most salient is a discouraging continuation of disciplinary isolation. Since that formative event, we argued, the two fields of inquiry have each acquired a century of methods, core facts, theories, paradigms, and even mythic origin stories; these typically function to protect each field's integrity, to keep it together, and thus to keep it separate from others. Despite theoretical shifts and a broadening of paradigms in both disciplines, however, there remains a significant parochialism regarding accumulated knowledge as well as current methods.

This continuing insularity is especially problematic because there is a paradox to be resolved in developing a science of the individual-in-context, namely that the two systems to be integrated are fundamentally discontinuous. The human skin is a perceptual marker between the two, as well as a biological barrier that works to maintain the integrity of the organism. At first glance, this observation does not seem problematic: we do not, except in rare historical instances, have trouble distinguishing a horse from its rider, much less a living figure from his or her environmental ground.

Yet, as the term "individual-in-context" itself suggests, recent thinking has emphasized the cultural structuring of child development as an integrated process precisely because of problems in the decontextualized approach. Attempts to reconcile the competing needs for analysis and synthesis, for differentiation and integration, can be seen in the several disciplines concerned with individual and environment. In these efforts to relate culture and development, some core ideas recur time and again.

A broad consideration of both anthropological and psychological research reveals three frequent conceptualizations of the cultural environment and how it relates to the developing child. First is the idea of the child's environment as a stage peopled by a cast of characters with their assigned roles and tasks, all within a given frame of the routines of daily life. Second is the environment as defined by commonly shared practices relevant to children, a "community of practice" in which the person and environment are woven together, inseparably and holistically, into a multistranded fabric.

Third is the environment as a reality not only of manifest settings and actions but also of guiding ideas, particularly culturally shared ideas held by parents and other caretakers, that inform the ways children are cared for.

Although there is considerable conceptual overlap among these three approaches, each is associated primarily with a group of researchers who have their own particular history and disciplinary affiliations. It is our belief that sufficient information about culturally structured variations in human development has been accumulated to support a new understanding of how both development and cultural transmission take place.